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The protests in Turkey started on May 27 with a modest resistance movement against the destruction of Istanbul's Gezi Park and the planned construction, in its place, of a replica of the Ottoman artillery barracks that formerly stood there (which, however, was also to include a shopping mall). The Occupy Gezi movement has since grown exponentially and spread to other Turkish cities, largely in response to police brutality and to the inflammatory speeches of Turkey's Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The unprecedented scope and duration of the protests-and, even more importantly, the emergent movement's pluralistic composition and inclusive political style-make it a genuinely new phenomenon in the ninety-year history of the Republic. As Cengiz Candar, a prominent liberal journalist has put it, these protests represent "the most serious and meaningful civil society uprising that the Turkish society has ever witnessed."
The protests and the government's response have opened to debate all aspects of Turkish social and political life, from freedom of the press to restrictions against participatory democracy to the urban renewal wave that has swept over all Turkish cities within the last decade. Given that Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) comes from a long line of Islamic parties, and that the emergent Occupy Gezi movement represents, among other things, a reaction against the government's increasing imposition of religious-conservative values on the population, the question of religion and secularism may also be seen as a central dimension of this conflict. Even "the" central dimension, according to some observers. But do these events really involve the good old "fault line that runs through Turkish society and politics" between "religious conservatives" and "secular, leftist, liberal" people, as a "New York Times" analysis argues? In other words, is there nothing new under the sun, except perhaps for the fact that the secular citizens are being more vocal and persistent than before?
While religion is a very important factor in the recent events-as in virtually all political conflicts in contemporary Turkey-to see the protests through the secular-vs.-religious framework is to overlook the complexity of what is actually going on. It is also to miss the transformative potential and the genuine novelty of the Occupy Gezi movement.
Surely, the prompt and widespread mobilization of the protesters, many with no prior experience in activism, is partly due to the accumulated resentment that people with non-conservative lifestyles as well as religious minorities feel toward the policies of the government. The most emblematic issue here is the government's imposition of increasingly strict regulations on the sale and consumption of alcohol. Although the alcohol consumption rate in Turkey is the lowest among the OECD countries and its taxes on alcohol are some of the highest in Europe, the government has recently proposed new legislation that will place further restrictions on the retail sale and public consumption of alcohol. Erdogan defended the recent legislative proposal in his typical style, declaring that he does not want "a generation that drinks and wanders about wasted day and night," and suggested that this was a regulation, not a ban: "if you are going to drink, then drink your alcoholic beverage at home." The proposal followed the removal of outdoor tables in the Beyoglu district-the heart of entertainment and nightlife in Istanbul-by the AKP-controlled municipal government last summer, as well as Erdogan's infamous remark that his government aims to "raise religious generations." (In response to criticisms, Erdogan asked rhetorically, "do you expect us to raise an atheist generation instead?")
The Alevis, a substantial non-Sunni Muslim group in Turkey, have historically approached the Sunni-dominated Islamic parties with suspicion and mostly voted for the secularist Republican People's Party (RPP). Their demands for equal treatment by the state-e.g., the official recognition of the Alevi "cemevis" as places of worship-have thus far been denied by the AKP government. In the weeks leading up to the referendum on constitutional amendments in 2010, Erdogan claimed that "the judiciary is ruled by the "dedes" (the Alevi religious leaders), while in his campaign speeches prior to the 2011 elections, he repeatedly referred to the Alevi identity of Kemal Kilicdaroglu, the leader of the RPP. These strategic moves sought to mobilize the support of the conservative Sunni constituency in central Anatolia. The latest symbolic affront to the Alevis came on one of the first days of the protests, when the government declared that the third bridge to be built across the Bosphorus will be named after Yavuz Sultan Selim, the sixteenth-century Ottoman sultan whom the Alevis widely dislike on the grounds of a massacre that he carried out against their ancestors. It is very likely that the Alevis have played a central role in the diffusion of the Occupy Gezi movement beyond Istanbul.
But religion was brought into play most explicitly by Prime Minister Erdogan himself. In his public declarations in the midst of the protests on June 2, Erdogan claimed that along with "marginal" and "extremist elements," the RPP was the main force in Occupy Gezi and suggested that it was resorting to street action because it had failed in the ballot box. Refusing any compromise with the movement, he reasserted his determination to remake the Ottoman artillery barracks, which "the RPP mentality," in his words, destroyed in 1940. He also underlined that a mosque would also be constructed as part of the larger Taksim project.
In a TV interview on the same day, Erdogan argued that a distinction between "you" and "us" is a fact in Turkey, and proclaimed that "we and people like us have been oppressed in this country for a long time. [...] Now this group has won 50% of the vote. But [...] some people still want to oppress it." Erdogan made sure to remind the viewers that women wearing headscarves were still not allowed to work in civil service. He also defended the attendant in an Ankara subway station who, in a much discussed incident, made an announcement about rules of propriety over the loudspeakers after seeing two students kiss each other on the subway platform. ("In this society, would any mother and father demanding respect for their values want their daughter-I beg your pardon-to sit on the lap of somebody?" Erdogan asked.) In response to a reporter's question about the Gezi protests the next day, Erdogan claimed that there was at least 50% of the country that he could "barely keep at home." This thinly disguised threat of unleashing civil violence against the protesters was reciprocated by Erdogan's supporters four days later. As Erdogan addressed the crowd from an open-top bus, they chanted: "Let us go, and we will crush Taksim." Another slogan warned "the minority" not to test their patience.
If one looks beyond the chilling irresponsibility evinced in these remarks, Erdogan's political strategy throughout his public pronouncements has been very consistent. He has wanted to portray Occupy Gezi as the work of the secular, westernized elite that seeks to repress the religious, conservative majority through extra-electoral means. Since the late 1980s, Islamic parties in Turkey have consistently increased their votes by claiming to represent the periphery against the secularist center, and Erdogan's political career-decisively marked by his imprisonment in 1999 by the secularist courts-has depended on this good old formula. Now, in the face of the challenge posed by the protesters-and in preparation for the local and presidential elections upcoming in 2014-he has played the game that he knows best and aimed to consolidate the religious-conservative constituency of his party.
The irony in all of this is, of course, that he has been the prime minister of Turkey for more than a decade now. The AKP has single-handedly controlled the government for three consecutive terms and gradually brought all sources of bureaucratic opposition under its firm control, including the judiciary, the military, and the civil service. In other words, Erdogan is crying victimization while his party firmly controls all branches of government, applies immense pressure on the press, and liberally uses police violence against opposition in civil society.
Does the actual picture of Occupy Gezi confirm the existence of a deep fault line between secular and religious citizens that Erdogan and the "New York Times" alike posit? It is true that most religious-conservative citizens are not participating in Occupy Gezi, and it is rather safe to assume that many maintain their support for the AKP and for Erdogan himself. However, there are many significant crosscurrents that complicate this picture. First, Occupy Gezi brings together many different groups, including Kemalists, liberal-minded secular citizens, environmentalists, revolutionary socialists, anarchists, feminists, LGBT groups, highly politicized activists, and young people who simply oppose police brutality and the government's authoritarian policies. As opposed to what Erdogan has repeatedly implied, Occupy Gezi is fundamentally different from the Republican Rallies of 2007, which were organized by militant secularist organizations and aimed to prepare the ground for a military coup against the AKP government. While Kemalist groups may chant "we are the soldiers of Mustafa Kemal" during the demonstrations, calls for the military to intervene in the political process are hardly ever heard. Moreover, all participants in the movement seem to share a general respect for religious citizens.
On June 4, the day after newspapers close to the AKP started to advance Erdogan's agenda by depicting Occupy Gezi as an anti-religious movement, movement participants announced that alcohol should not be consumed on the park's premises that day as a sign of respect for the "Mira"c Kandili", a Muslim holiday commemorating the prophet's ascent to heaven. Throughout the day, volunteers offered thousands of traditional "kandil" bagels to anyone entering the park.
More importantly, while constituting a minority in the movement, many pious Muslims, AKP voters, and some Islamic organizations have participated in the protests. One social justice-oriented Islamic group in particular, Anti-Capitalist Muslims, has been part of the campaign against the destruction of the park from the very beginning and has a major presence in the movement. On the "Mira"c" night, following the reading of verses from the Quran, Ihsan Eliacik, a religious author and the intellectual guru of the Anti-Capitalist Muslims, gave a sermon:
"Mirac" means ascendance. Muhammad the Holy Prophet has brought Islam by ascending to God. Islam means peace. Peace is a state of harmlessness. Do not harm anyone. Greet everyone, greet also those who are different from you. Be brothers and sisters, spread love and compassion. Today this synergy is spreading out from Gezi Park. With God's grace, completely new things are happening in Turkey.
Then he addressed the religious leaders and politicians in Turkey, alluding in particular to Erdogan's reference to the protesters as "a bunch of looters":
Those who say one does not read the Quran and pray in such places are wrong once again. [...] With God's permission, the prejudices will also collapse and disappear. [...] They tell us, "what business do you have there?" We tell them in return, "why are you not here?" They tell us, "there are drunks there, what are you doing there?" We tell them in return, "we can get along with drunks, as long as they are not treacherous." They tell us, "they are looters"; they tell us "they are a criminal gang." We tell them, "people who sleep in the streets and in green parks cannot be looters." The looter state has forty rooms, and forty tricks are played in each of them. The looters are those who plunder; the looters sit in offices of the state; the looters walk around in neckties; the looters are those who enjoy the spoils. [...] The real gang is in the city hall; the real gang is the shopping mall gang; and you are the leader of the real gang. Friends! Congratulations on your resistance; congratulations on your "kandil". Be entrusted to God.
"The liberation theology of the Anti-Capitalist Muslims shows that it is difficult to categorize the religious circles in Turkey as a single, uniform bloc under the unbreakable spell of Erdogan's AKP. The same is true for secular people, many of whom have learned to respect the religious practices of their fellow citizens, including their right to wear headscarves in public institutions. The transformative potential that emerges from the respectful coexistence of different political orientations and social groups in Occupy Gezi should not be underestimated, both in the park and in the movement more broadly. As soccer fans who use homophobic epithets in their slogans against Erdogan are learning from the LGBT groups in the park why this is problematic, and as many Turks in the movement increasingly seem to empathize with the Kurds now that they are also experiencing indiscriminate police violence and witnessing the indifference of the mainstream media, a transformation is likewise taking place in the relationship between secular and religious citizens who together protest the authoritarian policies of the government and the violent practices of the police. The careful respect that the mostly secular participants in the movement exhibited on Mira"c Kandili", voluntarily giving up drinking in public-although they vigorously defend their right to drink in public-and Eliacik's statement of solidarity with alcohol drinkers are manifestations of this rapprochement.
What is happening within the confines of the Gezi Park has its limits, of course, in terms of its wider ramifications, but it is indicative of larger political learning processes in a society increasingly suffering from the authoritarian tendencies of the government, Erdogan's paternalistic style of rule, and the disproportionate use of force by the police against groups as diverse as soccer fans, university students, and environmental activists.
The authoritarian policies of the Kemalist state elites who imposed a secular, modernist nationalism on an unwilling population have now been replaced by the authoritarian policies of a conservative government that is imposing religious-conservative values and a neo-Ottoman public culture on a diverse society. Neither has respected the autonomy of civil society, minority rights, the freedom of the press, and individual liberties. Whether Turkish society will ever move beyond the political impasse between secularist Kemalists and "religious Kemalists" (A. Altan) will ultimately depend, not on anachronistic political elites who seek to revive and retrench old cleavages, but on religious and secular civil society actors who might build the grounds of their coexistence on the basis of mutual respect for each other's freedoms. The spiritual experience they have shared in their solidarity recently would be a good point from which to start.
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Needed:
A dish full of earth (good soil, not dry, dusty dirt).
A yellow candle A full-sized mirror
Olive, patchouli, jasmine, or cinnamon essential oil
A small flower pot
A flower or plant seed
Procedure:
Anoint the candle with the essential oil you have chosen. Place it in the center of the dish of earth. Light it and sit down with it between you and a mirror. Look deeply into the mirror, concentrate on your reflection. Without being vain, consider the things you find most beautiful about yourself - not just physically but mentally. What is your inner beauty, what is your outer beauty? It's important that you never think of what you feel must be "changed", be as positive about the beauty that you have already.
Perform this ritual 3 nights in a row.
Once the entire candle has burnt down, remove the wax from the dish. Place the earth from the dish inside a small flower pot and plant a seed inside it. Water it and care for it so that it grows properly.
This spell courtesy The Cauldron: A Pagan Forum.
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Credit: http://i-love-witchcraft.blogspot.com
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(REV 21, 15-22) ITS TEMPLE IS THE LORD GOD ALMIGHTY
[15] The one who spoke to me held a gold measuring rod to measure the city, its gates, and its wall. [16] The city was square, its length the same as (also) its width. He measured the city with the rod and found it fifteen hundred miles in length and width and height. [17] He also measured its wall: one hundred and forty-four cubits according to the standard unit of measurement the angel used. [18] The wall was constructed of jasper, while the city was pure gold, clear as glass. [19] The foundations of the city wall were decorated with every precious stone; the first course of stones was jasper, the second sapphire, the third chalcedony, the fourth emerald, [20] the fifth sardonyx, the sixth carnelian, the seventh chrysolite, the eighth beryl, the ninth topaz, the tenth chrysoprase, the eleventh hyacinth, and the twelfth amethyst. [21] The twelve gates were twelve pearls, each of the gates made from a single pearl; and the street of the city was of pure gold, transparent as glass. [22] I saw no temple in the city, for its temple is the Lord God almighty and the Lamb. (CCC 1197) Christ is the true temple of God, "the place where his glory dwells"; by the grace of God, Christians also become the temples of the Holy Spirit, living stones out of which the Church is built. (CCC 1179) The worship "in Spirit and in truth" (Jn 4:24) of the New Covenant is not tied exclusively to any one place. The whole earth is sacred and entrusted to the children of men. What matters above all is that, when the faithful assemble in the same place, they are the "living stones," gathered to be "built into a spiritual house" (1 Pet 2:4-5). For the Body of the risen Christ is the spiritual temple from which the source of living water springs forth: incorporated into Christ by the Holy Spirit, "we are the temple of the living God" (2 Cor 6:16). (CCC 1048) "We know neither the moment of the consummation" of the earth and of man, nor the way in which the universe will be transformed. The form of this world, distorted by sin, is passing away, and we are taught that God is preparing a new dwelling and a new earth in which righteousness dwells, in which happiness will fill and surpass all the desires of peace arising in the hearts of men" (GS 39 SS 1).
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1. KAYSAANIYYAH
ASCRIBED TO: They are ascribed to Kaysaan who is the mawlaa of Ali (radiallaahu anhu), and also the student of Muhammad bin al-Hanafiyyah (son of Ali).
BELIEF: The core belief of this sect is that Ali (radiallaahu anhu) encompassed all the divine knowledge, and he knows all the secret hidden ta'weels (explanations, exegesis), and that he alone has the right to make interpretations of the Shariah texts, and obedience to this Imaam is the very essence of the religion (and which in turn invalidates the necessity of the legislated actions).
Muhammad bin al-Hanafiyyah freed himself from these people openly, however when he died, they claimed he is still living and that he will be given the permission to return. To the Kaysaaniyyah, Muhammad bin al-Hanafiyyah is the awaited Mahdi. Note the diffrence between this sect and others in that they only said Ali (radiallaahu anhu) possessed the divine knowledge, but did not actually deify him.
2. ZAYDIYYAH
ASCRIBED TO: They ascribe to Zayd bin Ali bin al-Husayn bin Ali bin Abi Talib.
BELIEF: Whilst they believe in the superiority of Ali (radiallaahu anhu), they also accept the principle that a person of lesser rank is able to take leadership despite the presence of the one with higher rank due to some considered beneficial interest which needed to be attained on account of the situation of presence of factors. This is how they view the rulership of Abu Bakr, Umar and Uthman (radiallaahu anhum).
When the Shias of Kufah heard of this position and that they do not free themselves of the two Shaykhs (Abu Bakr and Umar), they rejected them and so the Zaydiyyah labelled them "Raafidah." The Zaydiyyah are the most moderate and closest to Ahl al-Sunnah.
Zayd bin Ali bin al-Husayn studied with Wasil bin Ataa (founder of the Mu'tazilah), there were elements of i'tizaal (rationalism) as well as aspects of khurooj (revolt of the Kharijites), although he was not upon the actual core usool of the Mu'tazilah and Kharijites, and for this reason, traces of these influences are found in the Zaydee fiqh and manhaj.
3. IMAAMIYYAH
GENERAL BELIEF: These are of numerous sects as we shall see, but they carried the right of Imaamah (leadership) from Ali to his son Hasan, to his brother Husayn to his son Zayn al-Aabideen and then to his son Muhammad al-Baaqir, then to his son Ja'far al-Saadiq (may Allaah be pleased with them all). From here, they divided into two categories:
A) ISMAA'EELIYYAH
The first are those who then gave the right of Imaam to the son of Ja'far, Ismaa'eel, and they became known as the Ismaa'eeliyyah. This group in turn split into many groups, but three of them remain today and they are:
* Ismaa'eeliyyah Musta'liyyah (Bohrahs),
* Ismaa'eeliyyah Nizaariyyah (Agha Khanis),
* Druze.
B) ITHNA ASHARIYYAH / JA'FARIYYAH
The second are those who gave the right of Imaamah to Musa al-Kadhim, and these are known as the Ithna Ashariyyah (the Twelvers), and they are also referred to as the Ja'fariyyah. They are the most important of the sects of the Shia and most of the Shia of today are from this group and they are found in Iran, Iraq, Arabia, Pakistan, Lebanon and elsewhere. It is from this group that the Nusayriyyah (a very extreme sect) splintered off from.
It is this last group that is associated with the label of Shia today and they are referred to by many different names such as "Shiah" (those siding with Ali), or "Raafidah" (those rejecting the two Shaykhs, Abu Bakr and Umar) or "Ithna Ashariyyah" (those believing in the twelve Imaams) or "Imaamiyyah" (those believing in leadership being a pillar of Islam), and all these BELIEF: They claim Allaah indwelled in Ali (radiallaahu anhu), they also believe in the transmigration of souls (tanaasukh al-arwaah) and also believe in secret esoteric interpretations of the Qur'an. The entire set of beliefs they hold are an amalgamation of idol-worship, Magian paganism, and Jewish and Christian doctrines. They conceal their doctrines from those outside of their circles, and historically have killed those who dared to leak their secrets.
All above are sects that are existing today. Below are a list of extinct Shia sects:
1. GHULAT SECTS
* Bazighiyya - who believed that Ja'far al-Sadiq was God.
* Dhammiyya - who believed that Ali was God and Muhammad was his appointed Messenger and Prophet.
* Ghurabiyya - who believed the angel Gabriel was mistaken when passing on the prophecy to Muhammad instead of Ali.
* Ya'furiyya - who believed in reincarnation and that a man named Mu'ammar al-Kufi was their Lord.
2. ISMAA'EELIYYAH SECTS
* Hafizi - who believed the ruler of the Fatimid Empire, Al-Hafiz, was also the Imam of the Time.
* Qarmatians - who believed in a world view where every phenomenon repeated itself in cycles, where every incident was replayed over and over again.
* Sevener - who believed Muhammad ibn Isma'il al-Maktum, the son of Isma'il ibn Ja'far al-Sadiq, would return as the Mahdi.
3. ZAYDIYYAH SECTS
* Dukayniyya - who believed Muhammad's followers fell into unbelief after his death because they did not uphold the Imamate of Ali.
* Jarudiyya - who believed the companions were sinful in failing to recognise Ali as the legitimate Caliph. They became extinct in Iran and Iraq but still survive in Yemen under the Hadawi sub-sect.
* Khalafiyya - who believed in a unique line of Imams after Zayd ibn Ali ibn Husayn ibn Ali, starting with a man named Abd al-Samad and continuing with his descendants.
* Khashabiyya - who believed that the Imamate must remain only among the descendents of Hasan and Husayn, even if that Imam is ignorant, immoral and tyrannical.
* Tabiriyya/Butriyya/Salihiyya - who believed the companions, including Abu Bakr, Umar and Uthman, had been in error in failing to follow Ali, but it did not amount to sin.
4. OTHER SECTS
* Fathites - who believed Abdullah al-Aftah was the succeeding Imam after his father Ja'far al-Sadiq's death.
* Hurufites - who believed God is incarnated in every atom.
* Kaysanites - who believed in the Imamate of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah after the death of Husayn ibn Ali ibn Abi Talib.
* Khurramites - who believed that the spirit of God had existed in Muhammad, Ali and Abu Muslim Khorasani.
* Muhammadites - who believed that Muhammad ibn Ali al-Hadi was the true 11th Imam, rather than Hasan al-Askari.
* Nuqtavites - who believed in a cyclical view of time, reminiscent of the Isma'ili Shia.
* Soldiers of Heaven - who believed that their former leader Dia Abdul Zahra Kadim (died 2007 CE) was the Mahdi and reincarnation of Ali ibn Abi Talib.
* Tawussites - who believed that Ja'far al-Sadiq was the Mahdi and that he was alive and did not die.
* Waqifites - who believed in the Imamate of Musa al-Kadhim but refused to accept the Imamate of his successor Ali ar-Ridha.
You can find below the Family tree on how the Shia's divert from their Imamate.
Origin: http://mysteryvoodoo.blogspot.com
Author: Victor Epand
Even in this world most of the believers in God lament and pray to God when they are in trouble and they forget to worship Him when they are living comfortably. The mentality is the same among the demigods. The level of enjoyment is so high in the heavenly planets that the demigods forget to worship God. They realize their precarious position when the demons attack them and take over the heavenly planets. At that time they run to Lord Vishnu for help. When they offer heartfelt prayers to Lord Vishnu and beg Him, the Lord would finally say a few words of encouragement. A similar situation emerged when Hiranyakashipu overtook heavens. He was on the throne of Indra, the king of heavens. All the demigods including the sage Narada were praising Hiranyakashipu.
One may ask why he was praised. The reason is that when there is low resistance, the enemy calms down. That was the technique they used to pacify Hiranyakashipu. The oppression went on until Lord Narasimha appeared and killed the demon.
The demigods can also be devious sometimes, especially Indra. Whenever someone on earth would engage in staunch austerities the demigods would start to panic. They fear that they might lose their position due to the power of the austerity. In this way they devise plans to disturb the meditation of the aspirant.
The demigods have unbelievable opulence. They have women known as the apsaras who dance and entertain them in different ways. They drink a kind of intoxicant called the soma rasa and in this way they get drunk. But there are also higher demigods who stay away from these. Lord Shiva cannot be considered a demigod. His position is between the marginal and spiritual potency of Krishna. In the Brahma Samhita Lord Shiva is referred to as no different from Krishna, just like milk and yogurt. Krishna is compared to milk from which Lord Shiva, yogurt, came. There is also Lord Brahma. He is known as the great grandfather for he is the first living entity in this universe.
Lord Shiva is very austere. He lives on mount Kailash. He has no house or any such shelter. He has got animal skins as clothes, skulls and bones around his neck and on his chest. He has got serpents wrapped around the neck and ghosts and spirits as followers. The amazing thing is that his wife, goddess Durga, is the personification of material nature and she can provide any type of comfort to her husband. But still, as a pure vaishnava, Lord Shiva lives a simple existence. After all, he is "vaishnavanam yata sambhu". He is the greatest vaishnava. As such he sets the example that real happiness doesn't lie in material enjoyment but in devotional service to Lord Krishna. Lord Shiva uses his time to meditate on his Lord, Sri Krishna.
Victor Epand is an expert consultant for Krishna art, religious gifts from India, and Hare Krishna
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Acolyte, Master or Sorcerer - which Magic Spell do you use when you need to cast a spell? It all depends on the result you want and how experienced you are at casting MAGIC SPELLS.
Acolyte, Master or Sorcerer are the three main levels, then there are also in between ones, like Advanced Acolyte and Advanced Master spells - so which is the best for your situation? The first thing you will notice - of course, is that the higher level spells are more expensive. That should be no surprise.
But there is of course more to it than money. Acolyte spells are quick, easy to do with a minimum amount of preparation and some very basic equipment and materials.
Take for instance a Business venture success spell, which in Acolyte form requires nothing more than a candle of a specific color, incense and incense burner, a small brass bell and a green felt-tipped pen. Time-wise perhaps twenty minutes. The same spell in Advanced Master category will require acquiring some more specific equipment and materials, and a bit of preparation.
You don't need any prior spell casting experience, but you will have to practice casting a Magic circle couple of times at least, before you try to cast the spell itself. You might also be given a low level spell to practice on. The better the quality of your equipment and Magic substances, the better the chance of a success.
You can't cast a Sorcerer' spell using dried out herbs you bought from your local 7/11. You will need fresh herbs, preferably organically grown.
You might need a quill or dip-in type of pen and a Dragons Blood magic ink (easily obtainable from magic suppliers), where for the Acolyte level of the same "magic spell", you used a red or green felt-tipped pen. For a court appearance relating to a traffic offense such as speeding or light jumping, an Acolyte spell is probably what you need.
Where you were caught driving intoxicated and are at risk of losing your license, a Master level spell would be more appropriate. If you have been accused of a serious crime and are out on bail, or where you are entering into a million dollar legal compensation claim, you should consider a Sorcerer's level spell, even if it takes you a few days to gather the required equipment and do a bit of practicing.
This post via the: Magic Spells blog where you can find information and spells for protection, love, healing and money.
Which Magic Spell to choose?
Reference: http://asatru-religion.blogspot.com
Poor Sister St. Aloysius. Between her ban on going to the fabric store during the month of October and the fact that I am banned from going to the fabric store ever again, we are between a rock and a hard place with Halloween bearing down on us once more. Perhaps she needs to first make a costume for me so I could arrive at Jo-Ann's Fabrics incognito.
I am all for collecting old linens and making everyone go as ghosts. The little kids only need a pillow case. The whole point of Halloween is the celebration of All Saints Day and All Souls Day. All those people are ghosts, aren't they?
We don't talk much about "ghosts" in the Catholic church, although we understand that the dead have shown up from time to time. That's because you are not allowed to dabble around in trying to conjure them up yourself lest you inadvertently conjure up Beelzebub or one of his pals.
But since we're celebrating those who have passed on and are, or may be, in Heaven and praying for those who are in Purgatory, why not dress up like them? Get a sheet, cut a couple of holes in it, throw on a hat and go as Aunt Sally. I don't see the harm. As long as you don't assume where Aunt Sally has landed in the afterlife, pray for her intercession (unless she's been canonized), or try to conger her, I think she'd make for a good costume.
Maybe it's just wishful thinking on my part, what with me being banned for life from the fabric store.
Which brings me to today's question from Tom in Vegas:
In Christianity, as well as in other non-Catholic/ non-Christian religions, there is much talk about the soul. But what part of me is the soul? Is it in the brain? What part of it continues? And how do we know it does?
This is one of those overlooked discussions that doesn't get that much attention, and is accepted by some without adequate understanding.
I don't know what rock you've been under there in "Vegas", Tom, but that area gets quite a bit of attention, especially that last part, "How do we know it continues?" The answer to that is the difference between you and Christopher Hitchens (I hope). If we don't believe the soul continues, we can toss out the Bible and Jesus and the Catholic Church and the Lutherans and the Muslims and the Baptists and the Church of the Latter Day Saints and their magic underpants. We can even toss out the Buddhists. Good-bye everyone!
We really never STOP talking about the fact that the soul goes on after death. Care of the soul, because it is immortal, is practically our whole topic of discussion.
What part of you is your soul? It's all of you. It doesn't just ride around in your head. If it were just your brain, then if you were brain dead on life support your soul would be gone, wouldn't it? Would your soul just be sitting there in your useless skull? I think not.
Your soul is what gives you life and you have life until your soul takes off for parts unknown. You will go to one of three places, but unless you are canonized (which means you definitely went to Heaven), we won't ever know which one until we join you. It seems that God does allow some departed souls to pay a visit occasionally.
For example, many saints have been visited by souls who were suffering in Purgatory.
You aren't dead until your soul is gone from your body. I think even Christopher Hitchens would go along with that. He must have noticed some type of life force in the living and a lack of one in the dead. If you've ever seen a person die, or a dead body, you understand the difference between the soul being present in the body and the soul having taken off for parts unknown (to us).
All of your soul continues. I'm not sure why you think your soul comes apart at all. It's not made of matter, so there's nothing to come apart.
That's why making a ghost costume is so easy! Now if I can just get Sister St. Aloysius on board.
Credit: http://wiccancommunity.blogspot.com
